FIRST STIRRINGS
arvind s inamdar
website : http://www.gfilesindia.com
arvind s inamdar
website : http://www.gfilesindia.com
‘POLITICAL INTERFERENCE HAS CREATED HAVOC’ The former DGP of Maharashtra, famed for tackling Naxalites and gangsters, laments the amending of the Bombay Police Act which has emasculated the force
MY first real challenge came in 1976 when I was posted as Deputy Commissioner of Police in Nagpur. Naxal ideologue Kondapalli Seetharamaiah had by then acquired quite a notoriety for his acts of barbarism in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. One day, during a routine nakabandi in Nagpur city, one of my constables felt there was something suspicious about a hand-pulled rickshaw and its passenger. On inspection, we found explosives, bullets and timer devices hidden inside.
At the time I was handling charge of the state CID Crime Branch and the special services branch. Sustained interrogation revealed that the rickshawwallah was based in the Hanuman Nagar area of Nagpur. We took him into confidence and put him up in a secret and safe place. Twenty-one days later, Seetharamaiah walked into our trap. We arrested him. The Andhra Pradesh government had placed a reward of Rs 50,000 on his head. He had committed several murders and was spearheading the Naxalite movement in AP. We managed to nab his associates as well. But, after we handed him over to the Andhra Pradesh police, he managed to escape from their custody.
My next biggest challenge came in 1987 when I was Joint Commissioner of Police, Mumbai. Those were the days when gang wars and underworld gangs were ruling the roost in Mumbai. The gangs had begun to rear their heads around 1985. Underworld dons like Dawood Ibrahim, Karim Lala and Bada Rajan had started their own gangs. I had some contacts and needed to revive them quickly. There were informers who gave us inside information. One of them was really testing us, trying to ascertain whether I had the guts to take on the might of Dawood and raid his den in Pakhmodia Street in south Mumbai. In those days, even the police did not dare enter the street. Determined, I decided to raid Dawood’s den. The policemen had to resort to firing when we raided his den. We found jackets and bags full of gold.
My next biggest catch was Arun Gawli a few years later. We were facing a tough time in arresting and imprisoning these gangsters. People like Gawli were creating a hell of a problem for the police. Businessmen, film personalities and other prominent people were receiving threats for ransom. The Centre had enacted the Terrorist And Disruptive Activities Act (TADA).
We requested the Centre to extend the jurisdiction of the Act to Maharashtra. Because of that we were able to put gangsters like Gawli behind bars for close to 11 years. The government later withdrew the Act. Thereafter, I was part of the commission that prepared the draft for the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA). Since gangsterism was on the rise and the Centre had repealed the laws, we in Maharashtra came up with the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crimes Act (MCOCA).
My biggest disappointment came around the early 1990s when we almost managed to nab Dawood Ibrahim’s trusted aide, Chhota Shakeel, in Kolkata. That was the time when we came across the lacunae in our laws. The High Courts in Kolkata and Chennai had original powers to grant bail. That is how, despite our arrest, Shakeel managed to get bail and escaped to Dubai. By 2000 we had broken the backs of the underworld gangs.
Since 2000, the images of the State and Mumbai police have been disintegrating. Earlier it was a murmur, now it has become a crescendo – that police officers in Maharashtra are posted on influence and monetary considerations. Efficiency, loyalty and competence have all taken a back seat. The Telgi fake stamps scam has literally shaken the police establishment in the State to its core. Right from the Commissioner of Police to the constable, all were involved.
SLOWLY, police postings began taking place on the basis of proximity to politicians. A few of us never bowed to this political pressure. Orders were issued from Mantralaya and the office of the Commissioner of Police was reduced to the status of a mere post office. The powers of the Director General of Police were also reduced. Neither of them now has powers to take action against erring subordinate officers or constables.
Around 1987 the then Chief Minister amended the Bombay Police Act. In one bolt of lightning, an IAS officer, that is, the Home Secretary, was made head of the police department. Since then the IAS lobby has always loved to keep the IPS cadre as its bridesmaid. Modern-day policing has become highly specialized, often dangerous and complicated. What does a Home Secretary know about policing, about the psyche of the policeman on bandobast duty? Do they have the expertise to guide us on how to tackle Naxalism, terrorism, gang wars or VVIP security? After giving 36 years of your life to the service, you are treated like this. Can they do this with the Army? Whenever the issue of modernization of the force comes up, it is the Home department that puts in a spoke. They want the policemen to come to them on bended knees. We have seen what the IAS lobby can do, in the recent Adarsh Society scam.
Until 1987 even the Union Home Ministry used to seek a second opinion from the Maharashtra police. That was because our expertise in detection and solving cases was second to none. The slight improvement in weaponry that is seen today is because of our relentless efforts to convince the Union government to sanction more funds. But the IAS lobby has once again delivered the IPS lobby a death blow by lowering our pay scales in the sixth Pay Commission recommendations. Nowadays, the DGP or the CP has no power to even sack a constable or write the confidential reports of his subordinate officers. The result of the political interference has been such that even a low-ranking constable or a sub-inspector does not hesitate to directly approach the politician and complain about his seniors or seek a posting. A single amendment to the Bombay Police Act has resulted in discipline in the force being thrown out of the window.
During a crisis or a VVIP visit, the policeman is denied his due holiday. A constable gets his first promotion after 18 to 24 years of service. He joins the service at the age of 20. The expectation is that he should at least retire as a subinspector. A sub-inspector is least interested in seeking promotion to the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police. That is because of the high level of corruption involved. Though, under the current Maharashtra Home Minister, RR Patil, political interference in police recruitments has stopped, it has not stopped in matters of postings and transfers. They might talk of police reforms but the current political establishment clearly lacks the will to usher in real reform.
( A 1964-batch IPS officer, Inamdar opted for voluntary retirement in 1999 with about a year’s service left, foregoing the right to claim perks amounting to Rs 10 lakh. That he was transferred 29 times in a career spanning 36 years tells its own tale.) As told to Prashant Hamine
MY first real challenge came in 1976 when I was posted as Deputy Commissioner of Police in Nagpur. Naxal ideologue Kondapalli Seetharamaiah had by then acquired quite a notoriety for his acts of barbarism in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. One day, during a routine nakabandi in Nagpur city, one of my constables felt there was something suspicious about a hand-pulled rickshaw and its passenger. On inspection, we found explosives, bullets and timer devices hidden inside.
At the time I was handling charge of the state CID Crime Branch and the special services branch. Sustained interrogation revealed that the rickshawwallah was based in the Hanuman Nagar area of Nagpur. We took him into confidence and put him up in a secret and safe place. Twenty-one days later, Seetharamaiah walked into our trap. We arrested him. The Andhra Pradesh government had placed a reward of Rs 50,000 on his head. He had committed several murders and was spearheading the Naxalite movement in AP. We managed to nab his associates as well. But, after we handed him over to the Andhra Pradesh police, he managed to escape from their custody.
My next biggest challenge came in 1987 when I was Joint Commissioner of Police, Mumbai. Those were the days when gang wars and underworld gangs were ruling the roost in Mumbai. The gangs had begun to rear their heads around 1985. Underworld dons like Dawood Ibrahim, Karim Lala and Bada Rajan had started their own gangs. I had some contacts and needed to revive them quickly. There were informers who gave us inside information. One of them was really testing us, trying to ascertain whether I had the guts to take on the might of Dawood and raid his den in Pakhmodia Street in south Mumbai. In those days, even the police did not dare enter the street. Determined, I decided to raid Dawood’s den. The policemen had to resort to firing when we raided his den. We found jackets and bags full of gold. My next biggest catch was Arun Gawli a few years later. We were facing a tough time in arresting and imprisoning these gangsters. People like Gawli were creating a hell of a problem for the police. Businessmen, film personalities and other prominent people were receiving threats for ransom. The Centre had enacted the Terrorist And Disruptive Activities Act (TADA).
We requested the Centre to extend the jurisdiction of the Act to Maharashtra. Because of that we were able to put gangsters like Gawli behind bars for close to 11 years. The government later withdrew the Act. Thereafter, I was part of the commission that prepared the draft for the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA). Since gangsterism was on the rise and the Centre had repealed the laws, we in Maharashtra came up with the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crimes Act (MCOCA).
My biggest disappointment came around the early 1990s when we almost managed to nab Dawood Ibrahim’s trusted aide, Chhota Shakeel, in Kolkata. That was the time when we came across the lacunae in our laws. The High Courts in Kolkata and Chennai had original powers to grant bail. That is how, despite our arrest, Shakeel managed to get bail and escaped to Dubai. By 2000 we had broken the backs of the underworld gangs.
Since 2000, the images of the State and Mumbai police have been disintegrating. Earlier it was a murmur, now it has become a crescendo – that police officers in Maharashtra are posted on influence and monetary considerations. Efficiency, loyalty and competence have all taken a back seat. The Telgi fake stamps scam has literally shaken the police establishment in the State to its core. Right from the Commissioner of Police to the constable, all were involved.
I raided the den of Dawood (left) in Pakhmodia Street in south Mumbai. In those days, even the police did not dare...
SLOWLY, police postings began taking place on the basis of proximity to politicians. A few of us never bowed to this political pressure. Orders were issued from Mantralaya and the office of the Commissioner of Police was reduced to the status of a mere post office. The powers of the Director General of Police were also reduced. Neither of them now has powers to take action against erring subordinate officers or constables.
Around 1987 the then Chief Minister amended the Bombay Police Act. In one bolt of lightning, an IAS officer, that is, the Home Secretary, was made head of the police department. Since then the IAS lobby has always loved to keep the IPS cadre as its bridesmaid. Modern-day policing has become highly specialized, often dangerous and complicated. What does a Home Secretary know about policing, about the psyche of the policeman on bandobast duty? Do they have the expertise to guide us on how to tackle Naxalism, terrorism, gang wars or VVIP security? After giving 36 years of your life to the service, you are treated like this. Can they do this with the Army? Whenever the issue of modernization of the force comes up, it is the Home department that puts in a spoke. They want the policemen to come to them on bended knees. We have seen what the IAS lobby can do, in the recent Adarsh Society scam.
...enter the street. The policemen had to resort to firing. We found bags full of gold. My next catch was Arun Gawli (right)
Until 1987 even the Union Home Ministry used to seek a second opinion from the Maharashtra police. That was because our expertise in detection and solving cases was second to none. The slight improvement in weaponry that is seen today is because of our relentless efforts to convince the Union government to sanction more funds. But the IAS lobby has once again delivered the IPS lobby a death blow by lowering our pay scales in the sixth Pay Commission recommendations. Nowadays, the DGP or the CP has no power to even sack a constable or write the confidential reports of his subordinate officers. The result of the political interference has been such that even a low-ranking constable or a sub-inspector does not hesitate to directly approach the politician and complain about his seniors or seek a posting. A single amendment to the Bombay Police Act has resulted in discipline in the force being thrown out of the window.
During a crisis or a VVIP visit, the policeman is denied his due holiday. A constable gets his first promotion after 18 to 24 years of service. He joins the service at the age of 20. The expectation is that he should at least retire as a subinspector. A sub-inspector is least interested in seeking promotion to the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police. That is because of the high level of corruption involved. Though, under the current Maharashtra Home Minister, RR Patil, political interference in police recruitments has stopped, it has not stopped in matters of postings and transfers. They might talk of police reforms but the current political establishment clearly lacks the will to usher in real reform.
( A 1964-batch IPS officer, Inamdar opted for voluntary retirement in 1999 with about a year’s service left, foregoing the right to claim perks amounting to Rs 10 lakh. That he was transferred 29 times in a career spanning 36 years tells its own tale.) As told to Prashant Hamine
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